Soc 924 – Identity, Consciousness, Emotions


Oppositional Consciousness

  1. *Morris, A. and N. Braine (2001). Social movements and oppositional consciousness. Oppositional consciousness: the subjective roots of social protest. J. Mansbridge and A. Morris. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 20-37. Argues that liberation movements against domination differ in key ways from social problems movements. Morris & Braine, there is a Copy in on-line reserves Local PDF copy
  2. Mansbridge, J. (2001). The making of oppositional consciousness. Oppositional consciousness: the subjective roots of social protest. J. Mansbridge and A. Morris. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 1-19. Overview, the problem of opposing dominant structures, bringing dominance back in, and the problem of resisting when oppressed. Liberation vs other movements. The rest of the chapter summarizes thepoint of the rest of the chapters.
  3. Mansbridge, J. (2001). Complicating oppositional consciousness. Oppositional consciousness: the subjective roots of social protest. J. Mansbridge and A. Morris. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 238-264. Analysis of oppositional consciousness, 4 components of minimal opp consc (identify, see injustice, demand rectification, see shared interest). Recognition of injustice is central. More mature opp consc includes other elements. A continuum, not dichtomy, with many different relations depending on structural context. Activists more important in opp consc. But opp culture is more diffuse.
  4. Harris, F. C. (2001). Religious resources in an oppositional civic culture. Oppositional consciousness: the subjective roots of social protest. J. Mansbridge and A. Morris. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 38-64. Bible stories & other Black church imagry the basis for oppositional civic culture. Distinguishes oppositional consciousness from oppositional culture.
  5. Groch, S. (2001). Free spaces: creating oppositional consciousness in the disability rights movement. Oppositional consciousness: the subjective roots of social protest. J. Mansbridge and A. Morris. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 65-98. Disability movement, conscious creation of images, slogans etc drawing on deaf & blind culture in segregated residential schools + civil rights movemetn. Deaf culture stronger because more autonomous spaces. Segregation as part of oppositional consciousness.
  6. Marshall, A.-M. (2001). A spectrum in oppositional consciousness: sexual harassment plaintiffs and their lawyers. Oppositional consciousness: the subjective roots of social protest. J. Mansbridge and A. Morris. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 99-145. Many different individual motives, some individuals very politicized, others not. But all borrowed on feminist interpretive frame regardless of own motives.
  7. Rodriguez, M. S. (2001). Cristaleño consciousness: Mexican-American activism between Crystal City, Texas and Wisconsin, 1963-80. Oppositional consciousness: the subjective roots of social protest. J. Mansbridge and A. Morris. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 146-169. Mexican American movement in Crystal City linked two strands, traditional Texas resistance linked with outside progressive labor politics, especially the farmer-labor culture in Wisconsin & Minnesota. Processes of synthesis and historical contingency.
  8. Waite, L. G. (2001). Divided consciousness: the impact of black elite consciousness on the 1966 Chicago Freedom Movement. Oppositional consciousness: the subjective roots of social protest. J. Mansbridge and A. Morris. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 170-203. MLK in Chicago 1966. Blacks for and against him all had oppositional consciousness, but not unity. Had different material & ideological interests. Interests had effects not directly but through interpretive schemas. Concept of internally differentiated oppositional consciousness.
  9. Stockdill, B. C. (2001). Forging a multidimensional oppositional consciousness: lessons from community-based AIDS activism. Oppositional consciousness: the subjective roots of social protest. J. Mansbridge and A. Morris. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 204-237. AIDS activists struggle against dominance by sex, race, class; are both oppresed and oppressor. Multidimensional consciousness, experience of oppression does not easily generalize.

 

Identities

  1. Social Movements : An Introduction. Donatella Della Porta and Mario Diani. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Third Edition 2020 or Second Edition 2006.  Chapter 4. Collective Action and Identity. Idea of identity. How does identity work? Discussion of mechanisms. Multiple identities. Consideration of whether identities as facilitators of action and rationalist accounts are compatible or incompatible. Construction of identities, within people and cultural.) 
  2. Polletta, Francesca and James M. Jasper. 2001. “Collective Identity and Social Movements.” Annual Review of Sociology 27:283-305.PDF file
  3. Cristina Flesher Fominaya. 2019 “Collective Identity in Social Movements: Assessing the Limits of a Theoretical Framework”. Chapter 24 in The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, David Snow et al Editors.  Library Link (requires login) What is a collective identity and why does it matter to social movements? Are collective identities in individuals, in the collective , or both? Are identities given or constructed. Melucci’s framework. Identity as product, process or both. Conceptual limits of the concept of a collective identity. The chapter gives attention to online identities. Attention to boundary work and to disagreements about definitions. Main example is the Autonomous movement.
  4. Hunt, Scott A. and Robert D. Benford (2004). Collective Identity, Solidarity, and Commitment. The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. D. A. Snow, S. A. Soule and H. Kriesi. Malden, MA and Oxford, UK, Blackwell Publishing: 433-457. Review, analysis of concept of collective identity. Classical roots, social psychology. Contemporary uses: new social movements. How does collective identity work: concepts of micromobilization, solidarity, commitment in relation to collective identity. Empirical review on collective identity construction, boundaries, consciousness negotiation. Effects of identity: build commitment and solidarity, affect biography, backlash
  5.  pp 11-17 of “Emerging Trends in the Study of Protest and Social Movements.” Pamela E. Oliver, Jorge Cadena-Roa, Kelley D. Strawn.Research in Political Sociology, Vol. 11. Betty A. Dobratz, Timothy Buzzell, Lisa K. Waldner, eds. Stanford, CT: JAI Press, Inc. Preprint on my web site: Abstract Full Paper The section of the paper on identities distinguishes individual identity, collective identity, and public identity; the paper also considers frames, culture, emotion in its social construction section. Abstract: “Four trends in the study of social movements are identified: a case base expanding beyond the social reform movements of Europe and Anglo-America to encompass other regions and types of movement; a theoretical synthesis that integrates protest with institutional politics and focuses on mechanisms and processes rather than causes and effects; a growing focus on events as units of analysis; and increasing integration of social psychological and cultural theories of social construction with structuralist accounts of movements. Taken together, they promise theory that is both broader in scope and better able to address the diversity of social movements.” The *’d pages concern identities and their relations to frames and culture.
  6. * pp 11-21 Johnston, H., E. Laraña, et al. (1994). Identities, Grievances, and New Social Movements. New Social Movements. From Ideology to Identity. E. Laraña, H. Johnston and J. R. Gusfield. Philadelphia, Temple University Press: 3-36. Copy of chapter Pages 11-21 distinguish individual, collective and public identities.
  7. Melucci, Alberto. (1988). “Getting Involved: Identity and Mobilization in Social Movements.” International Social Movement Research 1: 329-348. Two implicit epistemological assumptions: (1) the collective phenomenon has empirical unity, & (2) its collective nature can be treated as a given, cannot be taken for granted. Must explore actors’ cognitive & emotional investment in the construction of collective identity. Questions of theoretical importance to collective action theory are those that explore the processes by which actors construct common actions, the way that unity of the action is produced, & the processes by which individuals become involved in collective action.
  8. Melucci, A. (1995). The Process of Collective Identity. In Social Movements and Culture. H. Johnston and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 41-63. Presents a processual approach to collective identity that emphasizes the process through which an action system is constructed. Collective identity involves cognitive definitions concerning: the ends, means, & field of action; a network of active relationships between actors; & a degree of emotional investment that allows individuals to feel part of a larger collective whole.
  9. Bernstein, Mary. “Celebration and Suppression: The Strategic Uses of Identity by the Lesbian and Gay Movement.” American Journal of Sociology; 1997, 103, 3, Nov, 531-565. Movement emphasis on difference vs sameness varies with state context. Stable URL:
  10. Chong, D. (1992). “Reputation and Cooperative Behavior.” Social Science Information / Information sur les Sciences Sociales 31(4): 683-709. Common ways in which people develop & defend their reputations are illustrated. The protection of a reputation, it appears, involves not only rational calculation but emotional commitments, concerns about identity, conformity to social pressures, & compliance with intuitive assumptions about the continuity of human behavior.
  11. Einwohner, R. L. (2002). “Bringing the Outsiders In: Opponents’ Claims and the Construction of Animal Rights Activists’ Identity.” Mobilization 7(3): 253-268. External claims about movement participants by those outside the movement affect activists’ own identity. Processes of identity disconfirmation & identity recasting.
  12. Griggs, S. and D. Howarth (2002). “An Alliance of Interest and Identity? Explaining the Campaign against Manchester Airport’s Second Runway.” Mobilization 7(1): 43-58. Rational choice theory within a framework of discourse theory; strategic construction of group identities & interests by leading protest brokers.
  13. Hunt, S. A. and R. D. Benford (1994). “Identity Talk in the Peace and Justice Movement.” Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 22(4): 488-517. Identity discourse concretizes activists’ perceptions of social movement dramas, demonstrates personal identity, reconstructs individuals’ biographies, imputes group identities, & aligns personal & collective identities. Six types of identity talk are identified & illustrated: associational declarations, disillusionment anecdotes, atrocity tales, personal is political reports, guide narratives, & war stories. Themes are becoming aware, active, committed, & weary.
  14. Kuumba, M. B. and F. Ajanaku (1998). “Dreadlocks: The Hair Aesthetics of Cultural Resistance and Collective Identity Formation.” Mobilization 3(2): 227-243. Sociopolitical & historical phases of “locking” are traced on the microsociological level. Dreadlocks are perceived as playing along three main dimensions of collective identity formation: boundary demarcation, consciousness, & negotiation.
  15. Pfaff, S. (1996). “Collective Identity and Informal Groups in Revolutionary Mobilization: East Germany in 1989.” Social Forces 75(1): 91-118. The crucial factors in making the revolution possible were shared grievances & the expectation of social solidarity. Though they were politically subordinated, ordinary East Germans expressed grievances & nurtured opposition in small circles of confidants. Reference to collective identities helped to mobilize & frame opposition in East Germany, making a swift, unexpected revolution possible once the state began to founder. 82 References. Adapted from the source document. JSTOR stable URL
  16. Polletta, F. (1994). “Strategy and Identity in 1960s Black Protest.” Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change 17: 85-114. SNCC’s project suggests that asserting a new collective identity can be a central aim of protest, since even collective identities rooted in structural location (eg, race or gender) can be publicly constructed in ways that entail different challenges to the system, & an effort strategically aimed at transforming explicitly political relations.
  17. * Polletta, F. (1998). “”It Was Like a Fever…” Narrative and Identity in Social Protest.” Social Problems 45(2): 137-159, Narratives of the sit-ins, told by many tellers, in more & less public settings & in which spontaneity was a central theme, helped to constitute “student activist” as a new collective identity & to make high-risk activism attractive. It was the storied character of representations of the sit-ins that compelled participation. Narrative – not frames – is important for early mobilization. Text of article (.txt file) PDF file
  18. (*) Snow, D. A. and L. Anderson (1987). “Identity Work among the Homeless: The Verbal Construction and Avowal of Personal Identities.” American Journal of Sociology 92(6): 1336-1371. Processes of identity construction & avowal among 168 homeless street people. Three generic patterns of identity talk are elaborated & illustrated: distancing, embracement, & fictive storytelling. Broader theory of identity and self are developed.JSTOR Stable URL
  19. Taylor, V. and N. C. Raeburn (1995). “Identity Politics as High-Risk Activism: Career Consequences for Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Sociologists.” Social Problems 42(2): 252-273. Based on survey data collected in 1981 and 1992 from ASA LGB caucus members.
  20. Taylor, V. and N. Whittier (1995). Analytical Approaches to Social Movement Culture: The Culture of the Women’s Movement. Social Movements and Culture. H. Johnston and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 163-187. Presents four conceptual frameworks that draw on different theoretical traditions of cultural theory to relate culture to collective action, using examples from the women’s movement, in particular, the lesbian feminist movement, as illustrations. The four frameworks are labeled as emergent norms & interpretive frameworks, collective identity, ritual, & discourse.
  21. Thayer, M. (1997). “Identity, Revolution, and Democracy: Lesbian Movements in Central America.” Social Problems 44(3): 386-407. Case studies of lesbian social movements in Costa Rica & Nicaragua are used to examine the factors that account for variations in the way movements in distinctive national contexts construct collective identities: (1) economic structure/model of development; (2) state-civil society relations; & (3) the broader field of social movements.Text of article (.txt file)
  22. Smith, Laura G. E., Gavin, Jeffrey and Sharp, Elise (2015) “Social identity formation during the emergence of the occupy movement” European Journal of Social Psychology. 45 (2015).  PDF
  23. Bearman, Peter S. and Bruckner, Hannah. (2001). “Promising the Future: Virginity Pledges and First Intercourse” American Journal of Sociology 106 (4). 
  24. Moon, Dawne. “Who Am I and Who Are We? Conflicting Narratives of Collective Selfhood in Stigmatized Groups.” American Journal of Sociology 117, no. 5 (March 2012): 1336–79.  Identity politics arises out of conditions of systematic stigmatization and structural disadvantage, but sharing a social structural position does not guarantee that people will define themselves and their collectivity in the same way. In fact, because identity politics occupies two major points of tension, it gives rise to several alternative ways of conceptualizing the “we,” the collective self. Using ethnographic material gathered on American Jews’ understandings of anti-Semitism and its relationship to contemporary politics, this article inductively discerns four alternative models of collective selfhood (embattled, relating, political, and redeemed) that correspond to four alternative narratives of identity politics (reified identity, humanistic dialogue, critical solidarity, and evangelism). These narratives help explain the deep emotions sparked by challenges to people’s self-definitions. A comparison to studies of LGBT movements further reveals the utility of this conceptualization and elaborates a model not apparent in the first case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emotion and Morality

  1. Justin Van Ness and Erika Summers-Effler “Emotions in Social Movements.” Chapter 23 of Snow et al Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements (available online through UW) 2019 Emotions in movements, analyzing emotions, cognitive social science and emotion.
  2. Goodwin, J. (1997). “The Libidinal Constitution of a High-Risk Social Movement: Affectual Ties and Solidarity in the Huk Rebellion, 1946-1954.” American Sociological Review 62(1): 53-69. Explores the effects of affectual & sexual relationships on the communist-led 1946-1954 Huk rebellion in the Philippines. Philippine rural culture’s structure, economic organization, & opportunity structures of marital, extramarital, & parental relationships eroded the solidarity of this exclusive, high-risk social movement by allowing emotional withdrawal & undermining collective identity & discipline. Larger theoretical significance is discussed. PDF file
  3. Goodwin, J., J. M. Jasper, et al. (2000). “The Return of the Repressed: The Fall and Rise of Emotions in Social Movement Theory.” Mobilization 5(1): 65-84. Reviews social movements literature for how emotion was treated.
  4. (*) Goodwin, Jeff, James M. Jasper, et al. (2004). Emotional Dimensions of Social Movements. The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. D. A. Snow, S. A. Soule and H. Kriesi. Malden, MA and Oxford, UK, Blackwell Publishing: 413-432. First an overview. Reflex emotions (e.g. fear, surprise, anger, disgust, joy, sadness). Affective bonds. Moods. Moral emotions. Strategy (strategic displays of emotion).
  5. (*) Goodwin, J. and S. Pfaff (2001). Emotion work in high-risk social movements: managing fear in the U.S. and East German civil rights movements. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 282-300. High risk activists need to deal with fears of reprisals against self or family. Networks, gatherings, rituals, identities, shaming, guns all helped people deal with fear. Emotion management and encouragement. Goodwin & Pfaff,
  6. (*) Kane, A. (2001). Finding emotion in social movement processes: Irish land movement metaphors and narratives. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 251-266. Emotional aspects of movement meanings, solidarity, alliances. Analyze narratives in Irish land movement, finds many emotion metaphors. Metaphors of humiliation and shame, confrontation, resistance. [Fits in with oppositional consciousness ideas.]
  7. (*) Kemper, T. (2001). A structural approach to social movement emotions. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 58-73. Goal of chapter is to provide movement scholars a brief grounding in the structural approach to emotions–explain why emotions are prevalent or likely to arise as structural conditions change or remain the same. Emotions arise from social relationship outcomes. Power and status are organizing relations for emotions. Detailed predictions. Emotions tied to relative power & status. This seems very useful.
  8. Snow, D. A., D. M. Cress, et al. (1998). “Disrupting the “Quotidian”: Reconceptualizing the Relationship between Breakdown and the Emergence of Collective Action.” Mobilization 3(1): 1-22.
  9. Turner, R. H. (1996). “The Moral Issue in Collective Behavior and Collective Action.” Mobilization 1(1): 1-15.
  10. Eric Hirsch. “Sacrifice for the Cause: Group Processes, Recruitment, and Commitment in a Student Social Movement.” MS 303-311 ASR 55: 243-254. 1990. PDF file Influence of political solidarity, consciousness-raising, collective empowerment, polarization, & group decision making on the recruitment & commitment of participants in a social movement, & on their willingness to sacrifice personal welfare for group interests, using data obtained via participant observation, interviews, discussions, documents, & surveys mailed to resident undergraduates (N = 181) of Barnard Coll & Columbia U (NY) during the South African business divestment protest in Apr 1985.
  11. * Cadena-Roa, J. (2002). “Strategic Framing, Emotions, and Superbarrio-Mexico City’s Masked Crusader.” Mobilization 7(2): 201-216 .PDF . Spontaneous & emotional dimensions of social protest, & the expressive dimensions of constructing movement identities. A”party mood” that prevailed in a Mexico City social movement organization, the Asamblea de Barrios, created the conditions for the emergence of Superbarrio, a masked crusader for justice who used humor & dramaturgy drawn from wrestling culture to help the urban poor confront the corruption & mismanagement of the Mexican state. Framing has emotional components, inspired resistance.
  12. Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier. “Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization.” BC 505-523. Lesbianism as abeyance structure for the women’s movement. How lifestyle choices had political meaning in maintaining identities and boundaries. A lot of us found this article to be very useful when it first came out in 1990.
  13. Mustafa Emirbayer and Chad Goldberg “Pragmatism, Bourdieu, and collective emotions in contentious politics” Theory and Society (2005) 34: 469-518. working paper on emotions. PDF
  14. Polletta, Francesca and James M. Jasper. 2001. “Collective Identity and Social Movements.” Annual Review of Sociology 27:283-305.PDF file
  15. Berezin, M. (2001). Emotions and political identity: mobilizing affection for the polity. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 83-98. Italian fascists employed public rituals to induce strong feeling of national belonging, emotional underside to political identities. Political identities are not natural, have to be constructed. Liberalism represses political emotion. Details of emotional tropes in fascism.
  16. Collins, R. (2001). Social movements and the focus of emotional attention. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 27-45. An essay on the collective dynamics of emotional energy, the formation of unity and its dissolution.
  17. Whittier, N. (2001). Emotional strategies: the collective reconstruction and display of oppositional emotions in the movement against child sexual abuse. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 233-250. Activist survivors encourage different emotions in different locales. Among their own, express anger, grief, shame but also pride. When pressing claims, must exhibit grief, fear, shame but not anger or pride. In response to countermovement characterizing them as hysterical, they make efforts to present themselves as cool, rational, objective. Good article.
  18. Wood, E. J. (2001). The emotional benefits of insurgency in El Salvador. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 267-281. Salvadoran peasants took pleasure and pride in their rebellion, regardless of calculation of success. Collective action for its own sake: to assert agency was to reclaim dignity. Protest itself was the goal. Only later, when repression was lighter, was their pride in achieving interests. [links to oppositional consciousness]
  19. Cadena-Roa, J. (2002). “Strategic Framing, Emotions, and Superbarrio-Mexico City’s Masked Crusader.” Mobilization 7(2): 201-216  Spontaneous & emotional dimensions of social protest, & the expressive dimensions of constructing movement identities. A”party mood” that prevailed in a Mexico City social movement organization, the Asamblea de Barrios, created the conditions for the emergence of Superbarrio, a masked crusader for justice who used humor & dramaturgy drawn from wrestling culture to help the urban poor confront the corruption & mismanagement of the Mexican state. Framing has emotional components, inspired resistance.
  20. Dobbin, F. (2001). The business of social movements. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 74-80. Both movement activists & scholars of movements increasing see the “passions” motivating behavior turned into “interests” and thus turn passionate behavior into calculative behavior. Tied to rationalization and demystification of social life. Economics model of organizing. People make sense of their own behavior through the interest frame. Mistake to believe what people say about their own motives.
  21. Allahyari, R. A. (2001). The felt politics of charity: serving “the ambassadors of God” and saving “the sinking classes”. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 195-211. Importance of experiencing, feeling the politics of caring for the poor as embodied participants in org. cultures. Salvation Army demanded disciplined commitment to rehabilitation & acceptance of state policy. Loaves & Fishes radical Christianity encouraged political activism. Emotions, morality, cognitions wrapped up in self-work. Interplay of emotion and morality in the felt politics of conflicts over serving the poor.
  22. Barker, C. (2001). Fear, laughter, and collective power: the making of solidarity at the Lenin shipyard in Gdnask, Poland, August 1980. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 175-194. Vague anger turned into a major strike/ Participants remember sudden shifts in emotions, from fear to pride then derision at officials, solemn silence to fierce shouting, doubt to pleasure, panic to confidence. Emotions are not things but qualities of action or thought; emotions and cognitions are intertwined, emotions are part of the meaning of action or thought or speech, part of dialogical context, intensity of emotion is important, there are rapid qualitative breaks in emotion. Narrative of the strike showing examples.
  23. Calhoun, C. (2001). Putting emotions in their place. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 45-57. Was obviously originally concluding remarks commenting on themes at the conference. Essay on how people think about emotions, suggesting need to differentiate emotions. Avoid dualism. Among social movements, need to distinguish normal everyday movements from those that arouse emotions. Movements produce emotions, not just reflect them.
  24. Dobbin, F. (2001). The business of social movements. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 74-80. Both movement activists & scholars of movements increasing see the “passions” motivating behavior turned into “interests” and thus turn passionate behavior into calculative behavior. Tied to rationalization and demystification of social life. Economics model of organizing. People make sense of their own behavior through the interest frame. Mistake to believe what people say about their own motives.
  25. Goodwin, J., J. M. Jasper, et al. (2001). Introduction: Why Emotions Matter. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 1-24. Mostly overview, some brief discussion of types of emotions, social construciton of emtion. Emotions matter in each state of a movement.
  26. Gould, D. (2001). Rock the boat, don’t rock the boat, baby: ambivalence and the emergence of militant AIDS activism. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 135-157. Mixture of pride and shame, so responded to AIDS with volunteerism, quiet nobility. But after court decisions, shifted to indignation: pride = militant confrontation. Traces the shift from politeness to anger. [parallels to 1960s black movement, fits with oppositional consciousness arguments]
  27. Groves, J. M. (2001). Animal rights and the politics of emotion: folk constructions of emotion in the animal rights movement. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 212-230. Men’s expression of emotion in animal rights movement were considered legitimate, but women who expressed emotion were considered unprofessional, irrational, feminine. Career-oriented women felt they had to substantiate their feelings with scientific arguments and support of men. Based on interviews with activists, showing how they viewed emotions.
  28. Nepstad, S. E. and C. Smith (2001). The social structure of moral outrage in recruitment to the U.S. Central America peace movement. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 158-174. Social structure of moral shocks. Church members had ties to Central Americans, felt they knew them, thus reacted with activism to US covert insurgency. Argument is that theology + network ties to Central Americans put church members in touch with information about atrocities which led to moral outrage; moral outrage motivated participation.
  29. Polletta, F. and E. Amenta (2001). Conclusion: second that emotion? Lessons from once-novel concepts in social movement research. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 303-316. Fill in political process: not just opportunities, but indignation. In doing research on emotions, need conceptual clarity & comparison. Provoke new questions.
  30. Stein, A. (2001). Revenge of the shamed: the Christian Right’s emotional culture war. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 115-132. Christian conservative activists reported selfless commitment to higher authorities, but also feelings of rejection, passivity, powerlessness. Try to construct views of selves as strong and independent, in contrast to weak, shameful others (gays & lesbians). See selves as victims of external forces, but believe in individualist ethos. Individualism helps them deny shame but also exacerbates it. Lead them to resent the world. [My skimming makes this seem like the kind of psychologizing that led to the RM revolution.]]
  31. Young, M. P. (2001). A revolution of the soul: transformative experiences and immediate abolition. Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements. J. Goodwin, J. M. Jasper and F. Polletta. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 99-114. Slavery came to be seen as sinful, abolishing it linked to personal redemption. Different emotion cultures create new motivations for and targest of protest. Affective and reactive emotions interact in moral shocks. 1830, sea change in opposition to slavery. Religious revivals of 1820s and 1830s had effect. Western evangelicals central to spread of abolitionism. Different models of piety, shift to “break the chains of sin.” [Emotions play a role, but the argument appears to be cognitive.]